- Jan 14 Tue 2014 00:20
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兩岸人事被馬英九玩殘
- Jan 14 Tue 2014 00:17
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2014 1 13《綠色參考》玩殘對中人事；立法院大反彈；對中政策檢討紀要；吃包子吃出蔣經國；中共“反恐“；中國圍攻安倍
2014 1 13《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
- Jan 12 Sun 2014 15:55
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2014 1 10～12《綠色參考》馬對安倍不止失望；台聲援維族抗暴；中國壓明報；習核心3部曲；中國軍機數第2；全球空氣中國尾2
2014 1 10～12《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
- Jan 12 Sun 2014 07:47
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Mimicking Hong Kong’s trajectory?
Mimicking Hong Kong’s trajectory?
By Paul Lin 林保華
The UK has declassified records of its negotiations with China 30 years ago regarding Hong Kong’s future. That these papers have been declassified early might have something to do with the emergence of political reform in Hong Kong as an item on the agenda.
Media reports about the published files tell us that although the Britain was keen to leave Hong Kong with a bit more democracy and human rights, it found itself in a passive position in relation to China. Besides the imbalance between a small nation and a large one, the sense of guilt that British “China hands” felt about the Opium Wars and colonialism was another factor. At the time of negotiations, Hong Kong’s pan-democrats were in favor of China taking back Hong Kong, and this view was largely based on anti-colonialist sentiment.
With the passage of time, some young Chinese academics have been re-evaluating the Opium Wars and colonialism. There are those who say that if it had not happened, there would have been no Self-Strengthening Movement, no Hundred Days’ Reform and no Xinhai Revolution, and China would have remained a feudal society in which men had to plait their hair into long queues and girls were crippled by foot-binding. Would that not have been worse? The social setup in China today compares poorly with the way things were in Hong Kong under colonial rule. Even though Hong Kong’s democracy and human rights have been losing ground, Chinese are still flocking there.
Sixteen years after China recovered its sovereignty over Hong Kong, localist tendencies have emerged among the former colony’s pan-democrats, splitting them into so-called “left sticky” (左膠) and “right sticky” (右膠) factions. The right-stickies want to prioritize Hong Kong’s interests, while the left-stickies are also called Greater China-stickies, which is self-explanatory. Why are these factions called stickies? Perhaps it is because they are stuck in a certain way of thinking.
Most of my old friends are Greater China-stickies, but some of them think that they got it wrong in the past and now declare themselves to be localists. Among my newer friends, especially young people and those who align themselves with the localists, many of their parents are people who returned to China from abroad many years ago out of patriotism, and later moved to Hong Kong. These people have seen through patriotism and no longer believe in it.
Some right-stickies do not agree with right-sticky extremists — especially considering that some extremist groups have shady or suspicious backgrounds. There could also be middle stickies, who not want to see clashes between stickies of the left and right. After all, both these factions fall under the umbrella of the pan-democrats, so there is no need for them to regard each other as enemies. Nevertheless, their mindsets need to keep up with the times.
The current state of affairs in Hong Kong is worrying in terms of where Taiwan is headed. The division in Taiwan is between the pro-unification and the pro-independence factions, and both have extremists among them. To be sure, an absolute majority of public opinion in Taiwan is in favor of sovereignty and independence, which is different from Hong Kong. When it comes to standing up for universal values, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) is less determined than the British were. If Taiwanese do not put their foot down and stop Ma from selling their country down the river, Taiwan’s future is not likely to be any brighter than what Hong Kong has experienced.
By Paul Lin 林保華
The UK has declassified records of its negotiations with China 30 years ago regarding Hong Kong’s future. That these papers have been declassified early might have something to do with the emergence of political reform in Hong Kong as an item on the agenda.
Media reports about the published files tell us that although the Britain was keen to leave Hong Kong with a bit more democracy and human rights, it found itself in a passive position in relation to China. Besides the imbalance between a small nation and a large one, the sense of guilt that British “China hands” felt about the Opium Wars and colonialism was another factor. At the time of negotiations, Hong Kong’s pan-democrats were in favor of China taking back Hong Kong, and this view was largely based on anti-colonialist sentiment.
With the passage of time, some young Chinese academics have been re-evaluating the Opium Wars and colonialism. There are those who say that if it had not happened, there would have been no Self-Strengthening Movement, no Hundred Days’ Reform and no Xinhai Revolution, and China would have remained a feudal society in which men had to plait their hair into long queues and girls were crippled by foot-binding. Would that not have been worse? The social setup in China today compares poorly with the way things were in Hong Kong under colonial rule. Even though Hong Kong’s democracy and human rights have been losing ground, Chinese are still flocking there.
Sixteen years after China recovered its sovereignty over Hong Kong, localist tendencies have emerged among the former colony’s pan-democrats, splitting them into so-called “left sticky” (左膠) and “right sticky” (右膠) factions. The right-stickies want to prioritize Hong Kong’s interests, while the left-stickies are also called Greater China-stickies, which is self-explanatory. Why are these factions called stickies? Perhaps it is because they are stuck in a certain way of thinking.
Most of my old friends are Greater China-stickies, but some of them think that they got it wrong in the past and now declare themselves to be localists. Among my newer friends, especially young people and those who align themselves with the localists, many of their parents are people who returned to China from abroad many years ago out of patriotism, and later moved to Hong Kong. These people have seen through patriotism and no longer believe in it.
Some right-stickies do not agree with right-sticky extremists — especially considering that some extremist groups have shady or suspicious backgrounds. There could also be middle stickies, who not want to see clashes between stickies of the left and right. After all, both these factions fall under the umbrella of the pan-democrats, so there is no need for them to regard each other as enemies. Nevertheless, their mindsets need to keep up with the times.
The current state of affairs in Hong Kong is worrying in terms of where Taiwan is headed. The division in Taiwan is between the pro-unification and the pro-independence factions, and both have extremists among them. To be sure, an absolute majority of public opinion in Taiwan is in favor of sovereignty and independence, which is different from Hong Kong. When it comes to standing up for universal values, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) is less determined than the British were. If Taiwanese do not put their foot down and stop Ma from selling their country down the river, Taiwan’s future is not likely to be any brighter than what Hong Kong has experienced.
- Jan 09 Thu 2014 18:13
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2014 1 9《綠色參考》趙紫陽30年前民主治港覆函；民進黨推兩岸城市交流；除周軍隊論功行賞；霾伏珠三角；再出售釣魚台
2014 1 9《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
- Jan 08 Wed 2014 22:47
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台灣的前途不會比香港樂觀
《林保華專欄》台灣的前途不會比香港樂觀
英國把三十年前中英就香港前途問題進行談判的文件稍稍提早解密，想來也是與近來香港政制改革問題提到日程上有關。從媒體的報導來看，談判期間，英國雖然力圖給香港多留些民主與人權，但面對中國的咄咄逼人，始終處於被動地位，除了小國與大國很難抗衡，也是英國「中國通」對鴉片戰爭與殖民主義的負罪感。當年香港泛民主派支持中國收回香港，許多也是基於反殖民主義的情結。
英國把三十年前中英就香港前途問題進行談判的文件稍稍提早解密，想來也是與近來香港政制改革問題提到日程上有關。從媒體的報導來看，談判期間，英國雖然力圖給香港多留些民主與人權，但面對中國的咄咄逼人，始終處於被動地位，除了小國與大國很難抗衡，也是英國「中國通」對鴉片戰爭與殖民主義的負罪感。當年香港泛民主派支持中國收回香港，許多也是基於反殖民主義的情結。
- Jan 08 Wed 2014 22:45
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2014 1 8《綠色參考》明報換紅老總？中國正失去香港？習近平大戰互聯網；王毅訪非截安倍；拜鬼
2014 1 8《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
- Jan 07 Tue 2014 23:48
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2014 1 7《綠色參考》 明報突換總編輯；邵逸夫逝世享年107歲；中英談判解密‧教育篇；北京叫獸反民主
2014 1 7《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
- Jan 06 Mon 2014 21:11
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2014 1 6《綠色參考》選舉大戰開始！英國解密文件價值所在；包子舖成上訪勝地；日擬280座無主島國有化
2014 1 6《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
- Jan 06 Mon 2014 00:59
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2014 1 5《綠色參考》香港前途會談解密檔案；不能假下去；周永康契仔被捕；中共裁軍？共軍3派系；中國圍剿安倍不擇手段
2014 1 5《綠色參考》
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
（林保華主編；提供林保華等人的評論與綠媒以外的信息。）
全文刊於林保華部落格：http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog
