2013 9 21《綠色參考》
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2013 9 20《綠色參考》
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中國政治與經濟的兩極分化         林保華·
 
北戴河會議以後,人們關注中國政治與經濟的走向,來觀察會議的情況,

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2013 9 19《綠色參考》
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〈林保華專欄〉北京會不會救馬?
馬總統在「九一一」取消接見外賓,親自發表兩次講話,向國民黨考紀會施壓撤銷王金平黨籍,以為違憲地拔除王金平立法院長職務已萬無一失後,台灣海基會董事長林中森第二天上午就在北京現身,與專管統戰的全國政協主席俞振聲會晤,討論服貿協議。俞振聲假痴假呆地說,這樣好的協議,怎麼台灣人還不理解,他感到困惑;林中森馬上阿諛奉承地說:立法院很快就會作成最有利、最明智的決定,他「深具信心」。
這場會晤,證明馬英九鍘王的最重要目的,就是要趕緊在立法院通過服貿協議;而時間精算到一天都不容錯過,也可見雙方的急迫心情。因此,那幾天馬英九鐵青著臉連續向王開砲,可能是馬英九私底下對北京做出的承諾無法實現而氣急敗壞。因為不但失去今年「習馬會」的時機,還被北京追討,滿腔怒火遂發作到王金平身上。
馬英九的毫無人性,進一步裂解他的基本盤,使滿意度從「馬皮」多時的十三趴一舉跌到九趴。為此,馬集團除了可能對高院施壓來打贏官司,還大作文宣,聲稱不知道王金平嫁女兒(可是知道了以後砲火更猛),也表示他不是無情無義(卻還不肯妥協)。文宣是金溥聰的專長,目前某些媒體出現對馬英九的「小罵大幫忙」,以及以小罵來收割公民發動的罷馬連署,應該引起我們的格外警覺。

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2013 9 18《綠色參考》
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薄案與周案的承前啟後
作者: 凌 鋒

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2013 9 17《綠色參考》
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急救馬總統!      林保華
 
立法院長王金平假處分案,台北地方法院於9月13日下午黑色星期五判國

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2013 9 16《綠色參考》
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2013 9 15《綠色參考》
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Wang case linked to Ma-Xi meeting
By Paul Lin 林保華
Military leaders in developing countries sometimes launch military coups when the national leader is overseas. Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng (王金平) is not a national leader, but he is the head of the legislature in a democratic country. During Wang’s trip overseas, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) seized the chance to get rid of him; an action not so different from a coup.
Why did Ma deem it necessary to employ such a cheap trick to consolidate his dictatorship? It was to help his push for a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平). Is a “Ma-Xi meeting” of great importance? Of course it is. If Ma wants to win the Nobel Peace Prize, he needs a significant breakthrough. Let us take a look at some recent events that might be related to the meeting:
On June 28, the Special Investigation Division (SID), apparently recorded a telephone conversation between Wang and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) caucus whip Ker Chien-ming (柯建銘). Since Prosecutor-General Huang Shih-ming (黃世銘) is very sensitive to political issues, it is highly unlikely that he waited until Aug. 21 before reporting this to Ma.
On July 4, the Want Want Group released the results of a survey showing that 47 percent of the public support a Ma-Xi meeting, while 34 percent of the public are opposed to it.
On July 10, Ma mentioned the meeting during an interview with Next TV. To ease public concern that he might compromise his status to facilitate the meeting, Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) spokeswoman Wu Mei-hung (吳美紅) said that, regardless of when or where, he will always retain his status as the president of the Republic of China (ROC) during his presidency.
Between Aug. 11 and Aug. 13, Ma met with Representative to the US King Pu-tsung (金溥聰) during a stopover in New York. It is unlikely that they did not discuss a Ma-Xi meeting or Wang’s case.
On Aug. 16, during his state visit in Paraguay, Ma said that he would attend the annual APEC summit in Indonesia next month as “the leader of an economy.” In little more than a month, he had downgraded himself from president of the ROC to the leader of an economy. Perhaps a Ma-Xi meeting will also become a “Xi-Ma meeting” in the future.
On Aug. 19, China’s Taiwan Affairs Office Deputy Director Sun Yafu (孫亞夫) declined Ma’s proposal, asking him to create favorable conditions for his attendance. Ma had already sold Taiwan out. What more does China want?
On Aug. 26, Ma said during an interview with TVBS that the conditions were not favorable for him to attend the APEC summit this year.
On the same day, the Chinese-language Apple Daily proposed some questions to Ma in an editorial. One of the questions asked what he meant by “creating favorable conditions.”
Finally, on Sept. 6, the SID held a press conference to reveal the case against Wang, and Ma attacked him on that day and continued to do so for several days. The public then realized that Ma wants Wang removed from his post to eliminate an obstacle to the legislature’s approval of the cross-strait trade service agreement, which helps create the favorable conditions required for a Ma-Xi meeting.
Ma first declared, in his role as president, that Wang was guilty, and then, in his role as KMT chairman, had Wang’s KMT membership revoked. This dual status can only be seen in the KMT’s party-state system. The party’s methods are similar to that of the Chinese Communist Party, which uses the party’s shuanggui, or “double regulations,” to define whether an official is corrupt, and whether he should be handed over to the judicial system.

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