臺灣青年反共救國團助選日誌:(嘉義 桃園 南投 苗栗 彰化 雲林 宜蘭 基隆)
11月7日
    早9點出發,憲騰開車、萬添、生偉、月清與我參與。到嘉義縣市支持
幾位綠營候選人。我們先去本團團員何子凡參選縣議員。該縣10人參選爭7
席,民進黨5人參選,國民黨4人,何子凡以臺聯名義參選。他是臺大國發所
碩士,所在地是竹崎。我們中午時分抵達。他們競選總部設在自家樓下,家
人早年就參加黨外運動,現在無黨派。聊了一會吃炒米粉午餐。飯後看請來
簡單的歌舞表演,然後放映“愛的十個條件”。因為是白天上班時間,來人
不多,晚上還會再放。放映前我講了幾句話,也展示我與太太月清最近在
京與熱比婭見面的照片看板。

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中國與澳大利亞關係出現戲劇性發展
    中國與澳大利亞因為經貿關係與墨爾本電影節放映熱比婭的電影一度跌
到谷底,然而現在已經雨過天青,甚至比原來還要好。從中可以作為其他國
家及台灣處理與中國關係的參考。

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Ma and Hu both under pressure on unification
By Paul Lin 林保華
Thursday, Nov 26, 2009, Page 8

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《林保華專欄》用選票教訓“老英”
    民進黨的小英主席已經多次呼籲選民用選票教訓馬英九總統,也是國民
黨的“老英”主席。為何必須如此,我考慮了一下,大致有以下理由:
    一,投向老共。老英一出任總統,就為老不尊,為了讓共產黨舒服而在
多宗場合中喪權辱國,例如會見中國海協會會長陳雲林而放棄總統稱號,還
沒收國旗;以及因為討好中國而制定的各項“開門揖盜”政策。

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 探望熱比婭東京日誌 林保華
  自從世維大會主席熱比婭成為全球與台灣新聞人物後,很想與她見面,接觸一下這位共產黨的敵人。由於馬英九政府遵從中共的指令,不許她進入台灣,因此考慮能否在接近台灣的第三國與她見面。最理想的見面地方是日本,因為能夠頂住共產黨的壓力而距離台灣最近的就數日本了。正好,當熱比婭出席了德國法蘭克福國際書展後,居然來到日本,於是與太太決定趕到日本相會。
    十月二十九日  新宿風情
  上午飛東京,下午抵達。在東京成田機場搭乘機場到新宿酒店的公車,還算方便。到了酒店,首要任務是聯絡朋友,人生地不熟,語言不通,「出外靠朋友」,此話不假。

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“生女當如孫仲瑜”論    林保華
    馬家軍立委吳育昇爆出與孫仲瑜的婚外性,引發媒體的瘋狂炒作,原因
當然是因為吳育昇太過“君子”,如今卻與成龍一樣犯了全世界男人犯的同
樣錯誤,不但他的形象受損,還進一步拖累已經四面楚歌的主子馬英九的形
象,因此馬英九再次裝傻,拒絕做出任何回應。如果想想吳育昇歷來護主的
功績,馬總統主席實在太不仗義了。

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中國貪官、暴發戶搶購香港豪宅

作者: 
林保華

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《林保華專論》歐巴馬訪問中國與台美關係
    歐巴馬訪問中國,台灣的外交部次長侯清山十一月十六日上午在立法院
外交及國防委員會答覆立委林郁方質詢時表示,依外交部的了解,歐巴馬此
行應該只會和北京當局簽署聯合聲明,不會簽公報,但外交部會密切注意聲
明的內容。他還強調,美方給台灣的訊息是不會損害台方利益。

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民調:小英VS.老英,民進黨VS.國民黨    林保華
    由中國時報旺旺民調中心最近作出的民調結果,國民黨勝過民進黨,但
是民眾對黨主席的評價,馬英九卻略遜蔡英文!依據最新民調顯示,37%的
受訪者滿意國民黨表現,民進黨獲得22%的民眾青睞。馬主席的表現受到33%
的民眾肯定,滿意蔡主席的則有35%。如果考慮到旺旺的鮮明政治立場,民
調結果可能會有相當偏差,那麼,蔡英文領先馬英九應該還會多一些,而民
進黨與國民黨滿意度的差距也會小一些。

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《林保華專欄》胡急馬也急
    十一月十三日與十四日在台北舉行的“兩岸一甲子”研討會,據報導,
是由胡錦濤與馬英九親自拍板決定,揭開台灣與中國面對面政治對話的序幕
,由雙方退休官員與將領出馬。

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A backward approach to an ECFA has merit
By Paul Lin 林保華
Wednesday, Nov 18, 2009, Page 8
There are still many public disagreements about the government’s plan to sign an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) with China, while many know little about what such an agreement would entail. Despite this, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) sees it as a panacea, saying that not only is an ECFA necessary, but also that the sooner it is signed the better.
Bureau of Foreign Trade Director-General Huang Chih-peng (黃志鵬), who went to Beijing for a fourth round of informal trade talks with China last week, said there probably would not be a fifth round of informal talks. Does that mean the government is ready to sign an economic pact with China?
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), although fully occupied with preparations for the year-end elections, should not ignore this issue. An ECFA with China could be signed during the visit of Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) next month. That would be a bitter pill for Taiwanese to swallow.
The People’s Sovereignty Movement has touched some Taiwanese, but that will not change Ma’s decision to sign an economic pact with China. Nor will Ma endorse a proposal on an ECFA referendum as he represents the interests of “superior Mainlanders,” certain corporations and even the Chinese Communist Party. If Ma continues to act willfully, Taiwan may soon see violent confrontation.
To avoid this result, I propose that the government sign an ECFA with China “backwards.” By that I mean that the government should first sign concrete agreements before moving onto signing the framework agreement. Doing so would first give the public an understanding of the concrete contents of the agreement and its pros and cons before deciding whether or not they can accept the framework agreement.
Here are my reasons for making this proposal.
First, the Hong Kong government signed a closer economic partnership arrangement (CEPA) with Beijing in 2003 and since then, has signed supplementary agreements every year.
Second, the memorandum of understanding (MOU) on financial supervision, which Taiwan recently signed with China, is included in the ECFA “early harvest” list. In other words, the MOU was signed before the ECFA. Because an MOU can be signed in advance, what would be the harm in signing other agreements beforehand? For instance, the tariff issue that Taiwanese businesspeople care the most about could also be solved as an “early harvest” item. In so doing, the government would know which industries will benefit from or be harmed by tariff-free treatment.
Third, the Ma administration said that an ECFA with China would help Taiwan sign free-trade agreements (FTA) with ASEAN countries. Neither China nor other countries are willing to take the initiative in proving this. If Taiwan could first sign concrete agreements with China, it would serve as a test of whether other countries will sign FTAs, or similar agreements, with Taiwan without opposition from China.
Fourth, Taiwan has long been isolated in the international community, so it does not have many experienced negotiators. Even negotiations with the US on a protocol for US beef imports were a huge mess, not to mention talks with a country that has long tried to annex Taiwan.
Since signing a CEPA with Beijing, the economic development of Hong Kong has been dependent on China, causing it to lose its past vitality.
Thus, Taiwan should sign agreements with concrete contents with China to gain more experience before signing an ECFA. After all, how could we have a framework without concrete contents?
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
This story has been viewed 318 times.

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從極左到極右:中國也衝破柏林圍墻
    11月9日是柏林圍墻倒塌20周年紀念日,西方國家,尤其是柏林舉行盛大慶
祝,西方國家領袖都有出席。美國總統歐巴馬沒有出席而由國務卿希拉里代行,
被輿論批評不夠重視。

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