2014 6 18《綠色參考》
(林保華主編;提供林保華的評論與若干信息。)
林保華部落格:http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog

綠參:馬英九邁向軍特統治;中國區別對待台港澳;做文明的Hongkonger 還是野蠻的中國奴

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台灣軍人無祖國?
民報
2014-06-16 11:36
[完整介紹]林保華
資深政經評論家、中共黨史學者。親歷反右、大躍進、文革各項政治運動。曾任教上海華東師範大學,教授中共黨史。2009年創辦台灣青年反共救國團,擔任理事長。著有﹕《一個中國人的台灣情》﹑《中共風雨八十年》﹑《告別江澤民》﹑《閒話鄧伯伯》﹑《神州千奇百怪論》﹑《血與淚-----八九學運札記》等。(圖片:中央社)

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2014 6 16《綠色參考》
(林保華主編;提供林保華的評論與若干信息。)
林保華部落格:http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog

綠參:台灣軍人無祖國?中國便便文化香港掀波;變調的香港之夜;社科院受境外勢力滲透

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中國便便文化香港掀波      林保華
《看》雜誌  第142期  2014年 5月號
www.watchinese.com
4月15日,一對年輕中國遊客夫妻在旺角西洋菜南街行人專用區,照顧兩
歲的小童在行人道上小便。照片可見,附近人流相當密集,但父親並無對
小童作任何遮掩。其間,一名香港男子拿出照相機拍照,父母兩人因而情
緒激動,並與男子爭執。那位母親以嬰兒車衝撞圍堵路人,父親搶走相機
的記憶卡,還抬腿作勢攻擊。港警隨後將父親以涉嫌偷竊、其妻涉嫌傷人
逮捕,兩人最後都獲保離去。

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怎樣的普選,泛民再分裂?      林保華
面臨北京所承諾的二零一七年特首的普選,要怎樣才算是“普選”,北京
有北京的看法,香港人有香港人的看法。那麼基本法又是怎樣說的,這是
北京最是作為依恃的法條,然而因為對基本法的看法不同,因此也就議論
紛紜,就是泛民內部也有不同看法。隨著特區政府對政改的諮詢,各種意
見更是百花齊放。那麼,基本法是怎麼說的呢?

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2014 6 14《綠色參考》
(林保華主編;提供林保華的評論與若干信息。)
林保華部落格:http://lingfengcomment.pixnet.net/blog

綠參:香港泛民再分裂?重發30年前有關香港前途文章4篇;陳文茜訪問李柱銘

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‘Lai effect’ accents evolving views
By Paul Lin 林保華
During his visit to Shanghai last week, Greater Tainan Mayor William Lai (賴清德) broke out of the constraints imposed by China on its relations with Taiwan by openly talking about Taiwanese independence and the 1989 Tiananmen Square student movement. Lai dared to do so because he adheres to Taiwan-centric values and has always been concerned about human rights issues.
President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) has done many things to sell the nation out, leading to the outbreak of the student-led Sunflower protest movement. As young people in Taiwan take matters into their own hands and come forward to salvage the nation’s prospects, Lai has had the courage to seize the opportunity by speaking out in China, confident that there is a strong current of public opinion to back him up.
The Sunflower movement has led the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to reflect and reconsider. Former DPP chairman Su Tseng-chang (蘇貞昌) decided not to stand for another term, and former vice president Annette Lu (呂秀蓮) quit as a potential DPP candidate for Taipei mayor. Meanwhile, Lai has stepped forward into the limelight.
In contrast, the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), seemingly unmoved by the protests, is keeping to its conservative ways and has even strengthened its secret-police style of ruling the country.
This difference arises from the contrasting mindsets of the two parties. While one of them is based on the principles of democracy and progress, the other is more concerned with its Chinese heritage, steeped as it is in a political culture of feudalism, dictatorship and corruption. Of course, even within a single political party, different politicians will say different things according to their individual character and style.
Ma expounds cross-strait peace as his highest value. This slogan of peace has fooled some Taiwanese into sacrificing the nation’s sovereignty, livelihood and prosperity, all for setting up a meeting between Ma and Chinese President Xi Jinping (習近平) so that they can share the Nobel Peace Prize.
Meanwhile, former vice president Lien Chan (連戰) and his family have followed a path of allying themselves with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to combat Taiwan independence. The reward they seek is to add even more to the Lien family’s already vast economic interests.
Now the KMT has put forward Lien’s son, Sean Lien (連勝文), as its candidate for mayor of Taipei — in an attempt to use the “new generation” to cover up its true nature as a party-state vested interest group.
Even in the DPP, there are some who stick to the outmoded idea that their party can only get back into government if China lets it happen. These people do not fully understand the character of the CCP and have not kept up with the changing times.
The CCP is an ambitious and greedy party, but it is also a pragmatic one. However loudly it may shout its slogans about opposing Taiwan independence, it will not cut off contacts with the DPP forever or stop applying its united-front tactics, because it knows that the DPP is the biggest obstacle in the way of annexing Taiwan and now it faces a new element in the form of Taiwan’s nascent civil society movement.
When the DPP was running the national government, the CCP had no choice but to accept the reality. The “small three links” between Kinmen, Matsu and China were opened up when the DPP was in power.
Now, with Ma in power and always willing to sell the nation out, China keeps pushing him to sell out even more. This attitude of bullying those who give in easily, but respecting those who stand firm is typical of a gangster dictatorship like China’s.
During his visit to China, Lai was neither haughty nor humble. When he talked about Taiwan independence, it was because a Chinese academic had raised the subject. Lai showed a lot more guts than Mainland Affairs Council Minister Wang Yu-chi (王郁琦) did when Wang visited Nanjing University. Nonetheless, Lai is a moderate in the DPP — about as moderate as you can get without being pro-unification.
China has so far not made any official response to Lai’s comments, so pro-unification media outlets in Taiwan have been low-key about it. Nonetheless, some people have chosen to act as China’s eunuchs by hinting that Beijing is not to allow Lai to visit again. Others have taken a more threatening posture, saying that Lai could be arrested under China’s “Anti-Secession” Law.
The point of these comments is to stop the “William Lai effect” from spreading. The idea that Lai could be arrested is the most puerile. Would China ever pay heed to such a suggestion, which is meant to please China, but actually does it harm?
Taiwan is currently in quite an advantageous position both at home and abroad. On the home front, young people, and especially the second and third generations of the “pan-blue” political camp, have been waking up. For example, descendants of Confucius (孔子) took an active part in the recent student-led movement.
Internationally, China’s belligerent posturing has made it more politically isolated than at any time since the aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen crackdown, and this has improved Taiwan’s strategic position and given the nation more space to maneuver on the international stage.
If Ma sticks stubbornly to his line of surrendering to the CCP, he will be paving the way to his own early downfall.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Julian Clegg
Taipei Times  2014.6.14

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林保華按:
這裡所說的“小憲法”,就是後來制定的《基本法》。30年前我就說“要
找到一個不會被中共以任何藉口來廢除或踐踏‘小憲法’的保證。”對共
產黨來說,這種保證永遠不會找到。最近一國兩制白皮書的出籠,證明了
這點。

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質“兩制”疑      凌鋒  1984.7.21
許家屯和鄧小平已先後對“一國兩制”問題作了講話,主要意思都是說是
對馬列主義的發展,對人類的貢獻。自然,許家屯不是胡說八道,它是根
據鄧小平思想來講的。我們先不說“一國兩制”行不行得通,但是從這點
也可看出鄧小平愈到晚年,他的野心越大,像毛澤東發動史無前例的文化
大革命要發展馬列主義一樣,鄧小平則搞史無前例的“一國兩制”來發展
馬列主義。文化大革命是以幾億的中國人作試驗品,並且為實踐所證明是
一場大浩劫;而“一國兩制”是以五百多萬的香港人為試驗品,是香港人
的鴻福還是劫數,要由實踐證明。而鄧小平是流芳百世,還是遺臭萬年,
他自己看不到,肯定的是歷史會記上一筆。

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《林保華專欄》「賴清德現象」的內外部觀察
2014-06-11
台南市長賴清德訪問上海,大談台獨與六四,突破了這些年台、中關係上由中國設下的框框。賴清德敢於這樣做,因為他擁有台灣主體的價值觀,長期關注人權議題。馬英九賣國行徑導致太陽花學運的爆發,台灣年輕人以主人翁姿態站出來搶救國家前途,賴清德以他的膽識掌握到這個時機,藉強大民意的支持在中國發聲。
太陽花學運給民進黨帶來反省,有蘇貞昌、呂秀蓮的退選,也有賴清德的出擊;反之國民黨無動於衷,不但繼續抱殘守缺,甚至加強其特務統治。這在於兩黨理念的不同:一個建基在「民主進步」,一個則是專注「中國」封建獨裁貪污政治文化的傳承。當然,即使是同一個政黨,不同政治人物的品格也決定了他們的言行。

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反貪既往不究,滅族快馬加鞭    林保華
中國內部政局動盪,主要兩個方面:一個是反貪打老虎,觸犯了許多領導
人的切身利益,尤其是權大勢大的太子黨;一個是維吾爾人的反抗鬥爭的
規模已經發展到到公共場合引爆炸彈而造成重大傷亡。為此,有跡象顯示
,中共將有重大的政策轉變。

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〈自由廣場〉《林保華專欄》從六四到太陽花
2014-06-04
今年春天台灣發生太陽花學生運動以後,有些人將它
與一九八九年春夏之交的中國學生運動相比較。這個

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