《林保華專欄》胡急馬也急
    十一月十三日與十四日在台北舉行的“兩岸一甲子”研討會,據報導,
是由胡錦濤與馬英九親自拍板決定,揭開台灣與中國面對面政治對話的序幕
,由雙方退休官員與將領出馬。

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A backward approach to an ECFA has merit
By Paul Lin 林保華
Wednesday, Nov 18, 2009, Page 8
There are still many public disagreements about the government’s plan to sign an economic cooperation framework agreement (ECFA) with China, while many know little about what such an agreement would entail. Despite this, President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) sees it as a panacea, saying that not only is an ECFA necessary, but also that the sooner it is signed the better.
Bureau of Foreign Trade Director-General Huang Chih-peng (黃志鵬), who went to Beijing for a fourth round of informal trade talks with China last week, said there probably would not be a fifth round of informal talks. Does that mean the government is ready to sign an economic pact with China?
The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), although fully occupied with preparations for the year-end elections, should not ignore this issue. An ECFA with China could be signed during the visit of Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Strait Chairman Chen Yunlin (陳雲林) next month. That would be a bitter pill for Taiwanese to swallow.
The People’s Sovereignty Movement has touched some Taiwanese, but that will not change Ma’s decision to sign an economic pact with China. Nor will Ma endorse a proposal on an ECFA referendum as he represents the interests of “superior Mainlanders,” certain corporations and even the Chinese Communist Party. If Ma continues to act willfully, Taiwan may soon see violent confrontation.
To avoid this result, I propose that the government sign an ECFA with China “backwards.” By that I mean that the government should first sign concrete agreements before moving onto signing the framework agreement. Doing so would first give the public an understanding of the concrete contents of the agreement and its pros and cons before deciding whether or not they can accept the framework agreement.
Here are my reasons for making this proposal.
First, the Hong Kong government signed a closer economic partnership arrangement (CEPA) with Beijing in 2003 and since then, has signed supplementary agreements every year.
Second, the memorandum of understanding (MOU) on financial supervision, which Taiwan recently signed with China, is included in the ECFA “early harvest” list. In other words, the MOU was signed before the ECFA. Because an MOU can be signed in advance, what would be the harm in signing other agreements beforehand? For instance, the tariff issue that Taiwanese businesspeople care the most about could also be solved as an “early harvest” item. In so doing, the government would know which industries will benefit from or be harmed by tariff-free treatment.
Third, the Ma administration said that an ECFA with China would help Taiwan sign free-trade agreements (FTA) with ASEAN countries. Neither China nor other countries are willing to take the initiative in proving this. If Taiwan could first sign concrete agreements with China, it would serve as a test of whether other countries will sign FTAs, or similar agreements, with Taiwan without opposition from China.
Fourth, Taiwan has long been isolated in the international community, so it does not have many experienced negotiators. Even negotiations with the US on a protocol for US beef imports were a huge mess, not to mention talks with a country that has long tried to annex Taiwan.
Since signing a CEPA with Beijing, the economic development of Hong Kong has been dependent on China, causing it to lose its past vitality.
Thus, Taiwan should sign agreements with concrete contents with China to gain more experience before signing an ECFA. After all, how could we have a framework without concrete contents?
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY TED YANG
This story has been viewed 318 times.

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從極左到極右:中國也衝破柏林圍墻
    11月9日是柏林圍墻倒塌20周年紀念日,西方國家,尤其是柏林舉行盛大慶
祝,西方國家領袖都有出席。美國總統歐巴馬沒有出席而由國務卿希拉里代行,
被輿論批評不夠重視。

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《凌鋒專欄》王渾人的“馬屁倒灶”論
    王聖人出任中華民國監察院長後,本來以為“聖人出,黃河清”。哪裡
想到,黃河不但不清,還更加渾濁,乃至臭氣熏天。
    聖人剛上任,為答謝馬總統的恩情,不顧監察院的超然性質,居然說,
民進黨執政時期官員,盡做些“狗屁倒灶”的事,“這八年,比誰都還多!
”其實,王聖人做馬屁倒灶的事情,才是問題所在,也是馬政府時代的政治
奇景。而王聖人上任也才一年多而已。僅就“狗屁倒灶”四字,出於聖人之
口,就已經夠粗鄙了,何況再創新為“馬屁倒灶”。

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《林保華專論》馬政府對中國欲迎還拒的姿態
    對金融監理備忘錄MOU與ECFA(兩岸經濟合作架構協議)的簽署
日期,政府不同官員的說法居然各有不同,怎麼會這樣?
    有關MOU,行政院副院長朱立倫在十一月六日說,這兩天就會有新的
進展。甚麼進展雖然沒有說,然而媒體不斷報導萬事俱備,只欠東風,實際
上就是差一個簽署日期而已。那麼所謂“新進展”,就是確定簽署日期而已
。但是過了四天,十一月十日行政院長吳敦義接受訪問時卻說,是他將金管
會簽報的MOU公文退回,要求先修改部分行政規範,並由金管會等部會向
立院說明後再洽簽;且為避開簽署地點爭議,他主張兩岸以“換文”方式完
成簽署。

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馬英九的“新政”
----名望暴跌體重也暴跌        凌鋒
    馬英九出任總統才一年多,“馬上”好變成“馬上”壞,除了獲得共產
黨的青睞外,幾乎一片罵聲,民望也暴跌,為此不得不在最近推出“新政”
。這個新政包含了兩個內容:一個是組成新內閣;一個是兼任黨主席,以便
黨政一把抓。

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《林保華專欄》ECFA應該“倒簽”
    雖然社會上對簽署ECFA(兩岸經濟合作架構協議)有許多歧見,而且社
會上對其內容也不甚了了,但是馬英九總統把它當作是自己的救命丹,不但是非
簽不可,而且是越早簽越好,尤其是經過秘密談判,按照行政院副院長朱立倫的
說法,很快就會簽署;最近去北京密商的經濟部國貿局局長黃志鵬也表示,未來
應不會再有第五次非正式諮商。這是否意味著隨時可以簽署了?民進黨在忙著選
舉的時候,不應該忽視這個問題。很可能,中國海協會會長陳雲林十二月來台,
找一個黑道猖獗的地方來簽署。江丙坤在完成賣台任務後,也可退休,享受中國
給他的榮譽。而台灣人民則被迫吞下這些苦果。

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共產黨書記在台灣招搖過市    林保華
    為了加強對台灣的統戰,大批中國官員以“經濟交流”,乃至“採購”
為名,湧入台灣。他們企圖以金錢蒙住台灣人的眼睛,達到統戰台灣、吞?
台灣的政治目的。

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13億中國人民的人權概況    林保華
    1991年11月1日,中國國務院新聞辦公室發表“中國的人權狀況”白皮書,
這是中國第一份發表的人權白皮書。中國之所以要發表這份白皮書,是因為外來
的壓力太大,甚至以此作為給予中國外貿優惠的條件。因此中國決定要爭奪有關
人權的話語權,也就是自己提出一個具有中國特色的人權標準,來反擊外來的責
難。

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我終於見到了熱比婭   
    看到世維大會主席熱比婭訪問日本的消息,我就決定從台灣到日本去見
她。這是我第一次去日本,人地生疏,幸好有各界朋友的接應,并且聯絡到
熱比婭的團隊,一切順利。

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《凌鋒專欄》“鹹魚”不如“黑馬”論
    中國國民黨中常委選舉,發揮了傳統特色,賄聲賄影,黨海掀波,新任
主席馬英九總統趁機開鍘。表面上是幾條鹹魚作怪,卻迫令全部請辭,於是
重新選舉。馬主席得以把馬家軍安插到中常會裡,還可以換回清廉改革之名
,何樂而不為?

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《林保華專論》白賊、黑賊、國賊
    現任行政院長吳敦義,在高雄被稱作“白賊義”,名聲已傳遍全台灣。
“白賊”雖然不好聽,但是即使使信口開河、講話不負責任,乃至有騙子的
意思,從字面上看,還是一個“白”字,不算太難看。然而“壹週刊”揭出
他與南投縣黑道角頭的關係,那就相當難看了。因為如果自己沒有正確認識
,白賊可能兼任“黑賊”。

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