《林保華專論》中共統戰台灣媒體
    共產黨打天下與坐天下,靠的是“槍桿子”與“筆桿子”。槍桿子是共
軍,筆桿子就是共媒。現在世界走向文明,動不動就用槍桿子,有損形象,
因此中共越來越多的利用媒體來騙人。因此中共不但要嚴密控制國內媒體,
還要擴張到控制國外的媒體,實現它的“全球化”。

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香港泛民圖以變相公投破困局
作者: 
林保華

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“反華反共”論    林保華
    第二次世界大戰結束後,世界分成自由世界與共產集團兩大陣營,爆發
了冷戰。當時共產陣營的老大是蘇聯,所以“反蘇反共”這個詞在中國很流
行,因為蘇就是共,共就是蘇,所以1956年波蘭波茲南發生的騷亂與匈牙利
布達佩斯的人民起義,被叫做“反蘇反共浪潮”。1953年史達林去世後,中
共與蘇共爭奪國際共產主義領導權,1959年後中共與蘇共漸行漸遠,那時所
謂“帝修反”反華大合唱中的“修”,即是中共套給蘇共的“修正主義”帽
子。於是“反華反共”逐漸取代“反蘇反共”。到文革期間,中蘇兵戎相見
,“反蘇反共”與“反華反共”并列。1989年秋天的“蘇東波”,蘇聯為首
的共產陣營瓦解,也就再沒有“反蘇反共”這個名詞,而讓位給“反華反共
”,因為中國成為殘存的共產陣營老大。

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九月二十七日我在台灣青年反共救國團  反共講堂主講[認識中國六十年] 講述如何認識中國六十年的發展變化。 
連結如右http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=An4QVTEjoTU
 

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林保華專欄/綠色執政 品質保證 守護地方 包圍中央

年底縣市長選舉已經開打。雖然馬政府都會發展計畫的某些小算盤擾亂選務,更顯這次選舉的重要性,只有打好這場選舉,才能為明年的都會選舉鳴鑼開道,就像雲林縣補選立委為這次選舉熱身那樣。民進黨與綠營,只有團結才能打一個漂亮勝仗,這是雲林的最重要經驗。


民進黨定下這次選舉口號為「綠色執政,品質保證」。口號雖舊,然而不怕貨比貨,只怕不識貨。民進黨八年執政有許多不盡如人意之處,然而與馬英九執政相比,才體現過去的許多優點。但是,我們不應該只是回首看過去,而是要擦亮品牌,像阿拉丁神燈那樣,創造接二連三的奇蹟。這是台灣獨立生存的必要。


在「綠色執政,品質保證」的後面,我覺得有必要加上「守護地方,包圍中央」。守護地方,直接的就是守住地方政權,不讓馬政府把地方政府一鍋端。「守護」的內容還很多,包括水土環境,這點在八八水災之後,人們有更深切的體會;澎湖的老百姓也為我們做出榜樣。


當然,還包括守護經濟。這些地方縣市許多是農業縣,農業往往與落後連在一起,這是中國國民黨過客思想造成的惡果:不是濫墾,就是擴大城鄉差距。但是農業的重要性也必須強調出來,正是這些農業縣,例如「農業首都」雲林縣的努力,八八水災後,台灣的基本生活物資沒有上漲,反而是傾向財團與城市的中央政府亂加稅賦,可能造成新一輪的通貨膨脹與民生的痛苦。此外,還必須尋找新的方法,守護台灣的中小企業,以免在中央向中國門戶大開的情況下,摧殘台灣經濟的血脈。


守護地方,還包括守住台灣的地方文化,沒有台灣的語言、音樂、戲曲、電影等等,台灣就將成為沒有靈魂的空殼。同樣的閩南語系,台語歌曲蓬勃發展,誕生了一批卓有成就的作詞作曲家,如葉俊麟、蕭泰然等,福建有甚麼呢?雲林是布袋戲之鄉,它的「現代化」也提到日程上來。各地方政府還有保留能反映台灣歷史的建築物,這點台南做得很好。然而有的藍營執政地區,情願花費鉅資修建人們掩鼻的馬奮館,卻去摧毀反映台灣古窯歷史的大煙囪。


我們如果守護不住台灣地方政權,就守護不住台灣;守護住地方政權,即使馬政府投共,我們也可以「釜底抽薪」,絆住馬腿。這是「包圍中央」的其中一個意思。此外,借助地方政權的生命力,支持明年的都會選舉,與再遠一點的立委、總統選舉;一定要把中央政權奪回來,否則,台灣將葬送在把台灣當作臨時棲息之地,為共產黨「代管」台灣的幾個外省權貴手裡。


包圍中央,就是在馬英九聯共制台時,建起國共之間的屏障,這是台灣人的人肉屏障,阻止馬英九把台灣送給共產黨,避免台灣人受到共產黨的奴役。暴力統治不是和平,老共撤走飛彈也不是和平,因為隨時可以裝上。


去年陳雲林來台灣,台北的民眾已經顯示自己的力量,包圍他們,阻擋國共合作賣台;這次他們不敢在台北開會了,也不敢在高雄與台南開會,而是選擇另一個藍色執政的台中。我們要將台灣每塊地方,經營到不讓共匪落腳,才有台灣的國家安全,與人民權利的保障。


(作者林保華為資深時事評論員,http://blog.pixnet.net/LingFengComment


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熱比婭旋風在台灣    林保華
    世界維吾爾大會主席熱比婭‧卡德爾在台灣掀起一股旋風,成為達賴喇
嘛之外在台灣最高知名度的中國異族異議人士,雖然她本人并沒有到台灣來
。而最大的功臣是中國共產黨,第二位則是中國國民黨。

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《凌鋒專欄》向“共”款發布“紅色通緝令”論
    台灣八八水災,各界善長仁翁紛紛慷慨解囊,義助災民。但是在這些善
長仁翁之間,赫然發現共產魔頭也混跡其中,自然要睜大眼睛觀看其表現。
    開始關注共產黨對台灣會否捐助,乃因在聯合報的“聯合筆記”中有一
篇該報記者的文章,提醒四川地震時,台灣各界如何第一時間伸出援手,現
在台灣人也會看共產黨對台灣遭到災難的態度。果然共產黨難得從善如流,
立刻動員它在海協會掛名的國有企業各自認捐若干,立即宣布。接著,電視
台也有若干賑災活動。但是行動最快的,莫如胡錦濤總書記親自將兩千萬人
民幣交給台灣作秀大姐高金素梅。看來,唯有統戰掛帥,才是“一天等於二
十年”,乾脆利落。

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《林保華專論》風口浪尖上的高雄
    國共合作吹起的統一惡風正在席捲台灣,而高雄高高的雄踞在這個風口
浪尖上正在經受考驗。為何說這是個“惡風”?因為是以獨裁專制來統一台
灣的自由民主,把兩千三百萬台灣人送給共產黨去奴役,還有比這個更惡質
的行為嗎?

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Balancing US, PRC comfort zones
By Paul Lin 林保華
Friday, Oct 16, 2009, Page 8
When Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) was elected president, the immediate US reaction was to heave a sigh of relief because Ma’s pro-­China policies were expected to relax the tense cross-strait relationship. In practice, things have turned out slightly differently, as “pro-China” became “submit to China,” and this raised flags in the US, as can be seen from a series of recent events.
When the new director of the American Institute in Taiwan, William Stanton, visited Minister of Justice Wang Ching-feng (王清峰) on Sept. 30, he said that “people overseas had some different thoughts” on the trial of former president Chen Shui-bian (陳水扁). Why would he risk being accused of interfering with Taiwan’s internal affairs by bringing up this case? Clearly because the US now feels it is no longer a clear-cut judicial matter.
In his Oct. 7 column, New York Times columnist Philip Bowring said: “Chen upset a natural ally in [former US president] George W. Bush by needlessly provoking Beijing in an attempt to score political points at home. Now the KMT [Chinese Nationalist Party] seems to have gone to the other extreme.”
To some people, the Chen trial is evidence that pro-­unification advocates are demonizing Chen for his support for Taiwanese independence and for breaking the KMT’s authoritarian rule so they can play up to Beijing.
The editorial in last month’s issue of Taiwan Business Topics, published by the American Chamber of Commerce in Taipei, said one topic that deserves to be high on the Cabinet’s priority list is “balancing the advances in cross-Strait ties with further strengthening of relations with the United States, Taiwan’s most important source of international support.”
Bowring makes the same point in his column, saying: “Taiwan seems to be talking itself into believing that it is even more dependent on the mainland than need be the case … [and] dependence on China is often overstated.”
Prior to this, because pro-green supporters were allegedly being excluded from the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, Carl Gershman, president of the Washington-based National Endowment for Democracy, an organization that is also supported by the US Congress, sent a letter to Ma saying: “It has come to my attention through reports in the press that broad changes are being proposed for the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. I am concerned that such an overhaul could well compromise both the Foundation’s independence and the quality of its work.”
These incidents not only tell us that Ma has been unable to give balanced treatment to Taiwan’s relations with the US and China, but also that this imbalance involves a deterioration of the basic democratic values that any democracy must respect.
What is most upsetting to the US is that during the Typhoon Morakot disaster, Ma blocked US aid teams from entering Taiwan while attempting to bring in rescue personnel from China’s People’s Liberation Army. Ma still has not offered an explanation for this. When the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) was refusing to accept US aid, its minister, Francisco Ou (歐鴻鍊), “could not be found.”
Why hasn’t the government provided an explanation of Ou’s whereabouts and who he was meeting with? Maybe Ou, who was made a scapegoat and had to step down in the Cabinet reshuffle, should give the public an explanation.
Not long ago, the government announced that it would not issue visas to World Uyghur Congress leader Rebiya Kadeer and its secretary-general Dolkun Isa because the government claims Kadeer is closely connected with terrorists and because Isa was said to be a terrorist. Because the government feared a lawsuit, it has changed its tune and says the reason for not issuing visas is that it would jeopardize cross-strait relations.
Premier Wu Den-yih (吳敦義) said it would “make China feel uncomfortable.” The same reason is given for not letting Falun Gong founder Li Hongzhi (李洪志) into the country. Who would have thought that Ma’s guiding principle was to make the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) feel comfortable and that he therefore must keep anyone the CCP doesn’t like out of Taiwan?
As Taiwan is leaning heavily toward the CCP, the US has finally seen Ma’s true colors. On Oct. 7, the Liberty Times, the Taipei Times’ sister publication, reported that sources in Washington revealed that the US administration has completed an internal Taiwan policy review and now intends to send US Secretary of Veterans Affairs Eric Shinseki, a retired US Army four-star general, to visit Taiwan next spring to strengthen US-Taiwan relations. That would be the first such visit since before George W. Bush took office.
Such a move would be certain to make China, which wants to bring down US imperialism and “liberate” Taiwan, feel uncomfortable. It would also make Ma, who is cooperating with China to suppress Taiwanese independence, feel uncomfortable. The question is whether Ma will dare make the US feel uncomfortable by making China feel comfortable.
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
TRANSLATED BY PERRY SVENSSON
This story has been viewed 244 times.

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敏感時刻,中國拉攏東歐國家
    春秋兩季是旅遊季節,也是中國領導人喜歡出訪的季節。在慶祝國慶60
周年後,已經有總理溫家寶與國家副主席習近平的出訪。溫家寶訪問朝鮮,
明確是防止朝鮮日益倒向美國而遠離中國,因此必然要重金收買,讓朝鮮回
到中國可以施加影響力的六方會談,而不願意看到朝鮮與美國單獨會晤。然
而更重要的出訪是習近平出訪歐洲。表面上看,是安撫他在17屆4中全會上
沒有坐上軍委副主席的寶座,使外界對他的儲君,也就是接班人地位產生疑
問。實際上,是在拉攏東歐前共產國家。

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《林保華專欄》馬英九使美國不舒服
    馬英九出任總統,起初美國政府鬆一口氣,因為兩岸關係由於馬的親共
政策得以和緩。然而後來情況的發展不全如此,因為親共變為投共,使美國
產生了戒心。最近幾項事件可以說明這個問題。

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寡人有疾,總統何疾?    林保華
    主計處公佈明年度的正副總統保健醫療預算,編列總統五十萬,副總統
三十五萬。在此之前,正副總統每年的健康檢查費只有一萬四千元,也就是
說,馬總統的醫療費突然增加了三十五倍!

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