Soong and Ma played off against each other
By Paul Lin 林保華
While President Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) was
mourning the death of his mother, Beijing
announced the invitation of People First
Party (PFP) Chairman James Soong (宋楚瑜) to
Beijing for a meeting with Chinese President
Xi Jinping (習近平). It is widely known that
Ma and Soong do not get along, so rumors that
Beijing was giving Ma a slap in the face
spread like wildfire.
Such rumors are not without foundation. Ma
has kowtowed to China, losing one symbol of
Taiwanese sovereignty after another and he
cannot even change a single word of his
opaque cross-strait service trade agreement
which influences the livelihoods of all
Taiwanese. Soong, on the other hand, openly
expressed what he referred to as the “four
understandings,” asking Beijing to
understand “Taiwan awareness,” the
“awareness of autonomous citizens” and the
“awareness of economic autonomy.” He
avoided discussion of an “awareness of
political autonomy” to avoid the sensitive
unification-independence issue.
Soong’s ideas are more in line with public
opinion in Taiwan than Ma’s notion of a
“Greater China awareness.” Above all, they
differ from Ma’s talk during election
campaigns about how Taiwan’s future should
be decided by the 23 million Taiwanese, when
he is the only Taiwanese deciding the future,
totally ignoring the public.
On a talk show on ERA TV, Soong said that not
a single person in his delegation to Beijing
conducts business in China and that he did
not let his daughter go. Obviously, Soong
made these comments to differentiate himself
from the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT).
Ma and the KMT have enormous business and
political interests in China, the obvious
examples being former KMT chairman Lien Chan
(連戰) and the family of former Straits
Exchange Foundation chairman Chiang Pin-kung
(江丙坤). When Lien recently met with Xi, he
even took along his son, Sean Lien (連勝文),
completely disregarding public opinion.
However, Beijing is not getting ready to
discard Ma. He still has some value left, so
they will keep him around, although they have
now sent him a clear warning. It will be
interesting to see how Ma will respond.
Given Ma’s strong desire for power, he will
not capitulate willingly. He will use the
remainder of his time in office to achieve
his goals. Judging from how the government
and Ma’s team ignored that he was mourning
for his mother, instead committing themselves
to settling the score with the Sunflower
movement and consolidating the central
leadership, it can be surmised that his
opaque service trade agreement is to be
resuscitated or replaced with free economic
pilot zones to please Beijing.
It seems China is slowing down its
unification effort as a result of the
Sunflower movement and is instead showing its
willingness to listen to Taiwanese. Soong has
said that small and medium-sized enterprises,
mid-to-low-income earners, central and
southern Taiwan and the younger generation
are what Taiwan must concentrate on while
helping China express its sincerity. However,
this sincerity is questionable when Beijing’
s conduct with regard to Hong Kong is
examined. Perhaps at one point in time,
Beijing really was sincere, but after
achieving its goals, attitudes changed.
If Ma can put an end to the civic movements
here in Taiwan and give China the “gift” of
unification, Beijing will not refuse.
Taiwanese must pay attention to the chaos
within the Ma administration and resist it as
much as possible. We must also fight Ma’s
score-settling and suppression of protests
lest we lose everything we achieved during
the recent demonstrations. If we do not,
Taiwan will sink further.
By Paul Lin 林保華
Paul Lin is a political commentator.
Translated by Drew Cameron
Taipei Times 2014.5.17
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